Bárbara Rey tells (almost) everything in the chain presided over by the son of Señor Lobo who cleaned up the adventures of Juan Carlos I

Barbara Rey makes box. He always did it because, no matter how much money he received to keep quiet, he spent it, covering needs, supporting his children and having a good time in expensive places like the Marbella casino.

Don’s ex-lover Juan Carlos I granted to the producer Days of Éci his advice and permission to shoot the fiction series broadcast by Atresmedia, inspired by the story of the Murcian star with the tamer angel christ and especially in the long, intense, intermittent and sordid romance (with spies involved) with the father of Felipe VI.

But that, no matter how morbid it may be, is fiction. These days he makes cash by showing his face, granting interviews like the one with Risto Mejide in Cuatro, one of the Mediaset chains, the listed one chaired by Borja Prado, whom Risto himself once branded as corrupt.

The paradox of history, so whimsical, is that it is the boss of the medium emitted by the son of a character such as Manuel Prado and Colon de Carvajal, who acted like the real one Lord Wolf of erotic wanderings and don Juan Carlos commercials, cleaning everything that needed to be cleaned.

Barbara King, in it Chester of Risto Mejide, revealed some new data, both those related to the stormy and violent marriage with Angel Christ, like those related to the recordings that she herself secretly made to the former monarch during their intimate dates.

But sometimes there is no bigger lie than half truths. Once again, the totanera hides or misrepresents some facts about which reputable journalists have written and provided documentation, backed by testimonies such as that of General Emilio Alonso Manglano, responsible for the Spanish secret services from the Transition to the arrival of José María Aznar. Manglano lived the extramarital passion of the former head of state and Marita García (that’s what they call the actress at home), and was in charge of sending her the millions of public money with which we Spaniards paid for the silence of the lover of the king.

Javier Chicote and Juan Fernández-Miranda tell it in The chief of spies (Roca Editorial, 2021), the book prepared with data from the agendas of Alonso Manglano, director of the Higher Defense Research Center that reveals a part of the history of Spain, from 23-F and the fall of the UCD to the felipism and the consolidation of Jose Maria Aznar.

the treacherous friend

Another of the issues that Bárbara tiptoes through is the theft of papers, photos and documents, perpetrated by “strangers”, which occurs in her house while she was elsewhere, in the company of a friend. She later deduced that that friend had set a trap to distract her, make her leave her home and so that the thieves, actually secret agents, could inspect and search in depth for the documents that could compromise Juan Carlos I.

None of this details Barbara, although she was always pointed out as the traitorous friend a Cristina Ordovas, Countess of Ruiz de Castilla, very well related to King Juan Carlos, and who was married to Juan de Goyeneche, now deceased, the aristocrat who was seriously injured by a package bomb, surely addressed to his wife. Cristina’s father, the general Manuel Ordovas, He presided over the war rabbit held in Burgos in 1970, in which 16 members of ETA were tried for one of their first murders, that of the policeman Melitón Manzanas.

It was not the only complicated episode in which Bárbara Rey’s friend was involved. Four years ago she was tried and sentenced to two years in prison for the theft of a painting Van Dyck that he had borrowed from the Ansorena gallery, to examine it at home, he said, and perhaps buy it. She never returned or purchased it, and the work later appeared in Zurich. Ordovás finally claimed that it had been stolen in a move.

It is not surprising that this character has been involved in the tumultuous experiences of Bárbara Rey. What is striking is that the interview with Risto Mejide to the star, in which the father of Felipe de Borbón is not in a good place, has been broadcast on Cuatro, the Mediaset channel now chaired by Borja Prado, the son of a close friend and figurehead of King Juan Carlos, that is, Manuel Prado and Colon de Carvajal.

The Spanish engineer, economist and writer Roberto Centeno González, who worked for public companies such as Enagás or the old Campsa, recounted, after being responsible for contracting a shipment of Kuwaiti oil, that the then Minister of Finance Francisco Fernandez Ordonez He prohibited him from formalizing oil supply contracts with the Middle East, explaining that this land was off limits because it was reserved for Prado. Thus, according to what Centeno himself tells us. “Look: Manolo Prado has been here, who has found out that you were in Kuwait and has set me up a chicken that you cannot even imagine; he has told me that Saudi Arabia and the Emirates are exclusively his and that no one else but him can negotiate not a barrel, so don’t even think about doing anything similar again,” Fernández Ordóñez told him, according to Centeno.

“It was Juan Carlos I, through his representative and private administrator Manuel Prado, who had a monopoly on our extra supplies during the oil crisis,” says the economist. “The Treasury paid for the oil what was stated on the invoice, without going into any inquiry, much less committing the coarseness of saying that it could be bought cheaper when the achiever it was Prado”. Everyone knows who was behind Prado.

they nicknamed him The one-armed, because he had lost an arm, he spent a few months in prison, convicted of misappropriation and document falsification, in the so-called KIO Case, a shady affair with Kuwaiti leaders, where Prado and Colón de Carvajal could be acting as a screen for the husband of the Queen Sofia. Prado y Colón de Carvajal entered the Seville prison on April 26, 2004 to serve a two-year sentence for the Wardbase case. The operation Wardbase investigated whether the payment to Manuel Prado and Colón de Carvajal of 2,000 million pesetas (about 12 million euros) from the Torras Group in 1992 was consented to by the holding’s main shareholder (the Kuwaiti investment company KIO) or if, as the Finally, the court was ordered at the initiative of De la Rosa without the knowledge of the company. He was in prison for barely two months because he was granted the second degree for humanitarian reasons. As head of Grand Tibidabo, he was sentenced in 2008 for misappropriation to three months in prison by the National Court in the case of the decapitalization of the Catalan company. The Supreme Court had already sentenced him to one year in prison for misappropriation in September 2007 for a diversion of money from Grupo Torras.

Since then, some of Manolo Prado’s children have felt disaffection and a certain resentment towards the Emeritus, that is, the man who did not avoid his father’s prison. Today, Manolo Prado is dead and Juan Carlos I lives thousands of kilometers away, in some way, taking refuge in the Persian Gulf, the place from which rains of money came for years thanks to the oil business.

Borja Prado’s revenge

Borja Prado may not have any executive power in the Mediaset that he has left Paul Vasily, and that he has not been able to “stop” the broadcast of an interview, such as that of Bárbara Rey, where events are recounted that Borja’s own father knew and lived very closely. To top it off, the interview was done Risto Mejide, who came to call corrupt in public who today is president of the listed company, already being a director. Or maybe Borja Prado is taking revenge for how badly Don Juan Carlos behaved with his father.

Faced with the unwavering loyalty of Manuel Prado and Colón de Carvajal to Juan Carlos I, going to jail and showing his face for the monarch’s business, we find ourselves with a whim of fate, irrefutable proof that history is capricious. : It is precisely Mediaset, the chain chaired by Borja Prado, the son of that favorite of the King, who today exposes Bárbara Rey, in prime time, giving details of the goings-on in which Colón de Carvajal himself acted as King Juan Carlos’s man, liaison with those in charge of covering up the adventures, obtaining the funds to pay for silence, keeping clean the image of a king who at that time was simply inmanchablealthough many resources and public money would have to be spent to sustain that image.